Film-goers will recall director Neill
Blomkamp’s sci-fi movie District 9
for its dystopian portrayal of a Johannesburg township under the menacing
influence of the Prawns. These
creatures, from a distant planet, established a precarious existence in a camp
set up to keep them away from locals, who despised them for being “non-humans”
yet admired their advanced technology and weaponry.
The film was released in 2009, shortly
after South Africa suffered an outbreak of violence against foreigners which
left over sixty people dead. The parallels between these attacks and the anti-Prawn sentiments of District 9 were not
lost on political and social commentators.
The 2008 attacks were labelled xenophobic
because most of the victims were foreigners. They were accused of taking jobs
from South Africans and using unfair and sometimes illegal practices to out-wit
local traders, putting them out of business and leading to widespread
resentment and envy.
As part of a national response, Parliament
established an ad-hoc committee to probe the causes and recommend solutions. Among
the causes were competition for scarce resources among our most vulnerable (including
foreigners), inadequate border controls allowing thousands of illegal
immigrants into the country, and failure to integrate foreigners into our
communities.
Solutions included swifter handling of
immigrants’ refugee and asylum applications, more job opportunities in
townships and rural areas, a border management agency to control immigration,
and a more concerted effort by government and civil society to educate South
Africans about the rights their newly acquired neighbours shared with them.
Seven years later, we have a sorrowful
sense of déjà vu. In January, and again in April, incidents of violence against
foreigners broke out in Kwa-Zulu Natal, Gauteng and Cape Town. The same
questions were asked, amidst a depressing feeling that not much had been
learned.
This week another Parliamentary committee
on probing violence against foreign nationals met in Durban to begin the search
for answers and solutions. What we found inspired both hope and concern.
During three days of hearings and visits to
affected areas, we listened to the experiences and views of law enforcement
agencies, civil society organisations, victims and perpetrators of violence, as
well as government officials tasked with finding answers.
Much of our attention focused on factors
that triggered the violence.
A presentation by the Deputy City Manager
of eThekwini Municipality, Dr Musa Gumede, recounted how on 30th
March a labour dispute at Jeena’s Warehouse in Isipingo, south of Durban,
escalated into a low-level riot targeting the store for employing foreigners.
The store management denied this, saying
they only employed locals and blamed the Professional Transport and Allied
Workers Union for putting the jobs and livelihoods of employees at risk. They
said there was no connection between the labour dispute and violent attacks on
foreigners.
The Provincial Secretary of SANCO, in his
presentation, claimed the trigger was not the labour dispute at Jeena’s but the
discovery in the hands of a foreigner of a stash of illegally-obtained ID
books.
The Commander of the Umlazi police cluster,
for his part, said they could not find the allegedly illegal IDs nor the
carrier so could not confirm nor deny wrong-doings at Home Affairs.
He did say, though, that in the heat of the
attacks Home Affairs had requested police refrain from checking documentation to
dampen down the anger. Sensible violence mitigation or an attempt to cover
their tracks?
Multiple and contradictory opinions over
the cause of a factual event are nothing new. More time has been spent citing
the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand of Austria in 1914 as the trigger
point for the outbreak of World War I than perhaps any other event. But years
of analysis have not brought consensus.
The causes of World War I, just like the
violent attacks on foreign nationals here, lie in a complex series of
historical forces that lead to situations of conflict and aggression. These are
compounded by complacency and inertia by the role players, a failure to learn
from the mistakes of the past, and new and unforeseen forces made inevitable by
changing circumstances.
Touring Isipingo, KwaMashu and Phoenix, we
heard from foreigners who left their home countries both to escape oppression
and despotism and to seek brighter futures in South Africa. Our country is
lauded for our human-rights ethos and respect for the law, economic
opportunities and a social security net which staves off absolute poverty.
But the provisions of our Constitution,
immigration and asylum laws are in stark contrast to the lived realities of
foreigners when they enter our land, and those of receiving communities.
Home Affairs officials delay the issuing of
permits, leaving foreigners unable to open bank accounts or obtain business
licenses and tax certificates. Police harass some business owners while
accepting bribes from others. Migrants without papers are forced to seek
low-paid jobs, pushing out locals who refuse to work for “slave wages.”
Foreigners on this side of the road rent a
house from a local or set up a container packed with goods valued at
R70 000 while on the other side of the road a South African ekes out a
living selling goods from a paltry stock worth less than R2 000.
This is an unfair playing field, the locals
cry. Foreigners access networks to tap into funds inaccessible to them. Some
use locals as fronts to man their shops while operating drug trafficking rings
and truck hi-jacking syndicates to obtain goods they sell on the cheap, putting
locals out of business.
Amongst all these accusations and
counter-accusations, we also heard from NGOs and relief organisations which
went out of their way to ease tensions and provide food, clothing and shelter
to victims. South Africa is blessed with a strong civil society, which
government and law enforcement agencies acknowledge are vital to their own
relief efforts.
District
9 was a camp set up for the Prawns. South Africa’s liberal and inclusive approach led to the rejection,
rare among nations, of such camps for immigrants.
Recently there have been calls to establish
camps. While this might make management of immigrants easier, it would be near
impossible to move existing immigrants into such camps.
Much better to improve the bureaucratic
handling of immigrants, build on civil society efforts towards relief, dialogue
and inclusion, and establish the conditions for our economy to grow and provide
opportunities for free and fair trade by all – locals and foreigners alike.
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