On Monday I attended
a roundtable discussion on the topic “Doing business in South Africa:
challenges and opportunities”, hosted by the US Consulate in Sandton. The
occasion was organised to coincide with a visit by a group of 45 MBA students
from Georgia State University in Atlanta, Georgia.
Ninety minutes of
presentations and discussions left those present under no illusions about the
tough journey we have travelled since 1994, and the mammoth task before us to
reverse the worrying signs of decay and despondency now engulfing our nation.
The panellists’
three presentations could not have been more different, and taken together gave
the bald facts, the historical context and some scenarios for our political
economy which offer the doomsayers and optimists much to ponder on.
First up was
Carol O’Brien, Executive Director of the American Chamber of Commerce in South
Africa. There are approximately 600 US
companies doing business here (of which the Chamber’s membership is 250),
generating 10% of our R3,8 trillion gross domestic product (2014 figures).
The Davis Tax
Committee’s July 2014 report on SMEs estimates there are 165 481 formal
registered tax-paying businesses in South Africa. The 600 US companies account
for 0.36% of all registered companies yet their contribution to GDP is vastly
disproportionate to their numbers.
These companies
are integrated into the global economy, capital intensive and highly productive
in terms of output per employee. They and their counterparts from Europe, the
UK and Asia, together with our own multinationals, are the locomotive of our
economy.
You could say
without exaggeration that their prosperity is vital to South Africa’s continued
economic health. So we should be listening to what they have to say about doing
business in South Africa.
A survey
conducted by the Chamber listed the five top issues US companies face. First
comes complying with our BEE regulations, followed by industry regulations and
red tape; policy uncertainty; reliability and cost of electricity; and lack of
skills.
Foreign companies
operating in South Africa have negotiated an alternative to selling equity in
their local operations to black partners to comply with BEE regulations. They
invest, or spend, an “equity equivalent” in other elements on the BEE
scorecard. Only six US companies have so far completed an equity equivalent
agreements with the DTI.
Perversely,
O’Brien revealed, it makes more sense for US companies to import and re-sell
than to manufacture goods in South Africa, as the latter increases the equity
value of their business meaning they have to spend more on BEE activities.
Their
frustrations with BEE compliance is mirrored in more and more South African
companies. Shifting goalposts and ever more onerous and punitive regulations
beg the question around numerous boardroom tables – are they worth the trouble
in their current format?
The other issues of
concern to US companies all speak to an economy with too little investment in
basic infrastructure and skills and too much regulation. This should be
worrying to SA policymakers.
Professor Michael
Katz, doyen of the legal fraternity and long-term advisor to successive SA
governments, provided some balance to O’Brien’s rather gloomy summary and
outlook. He related the amazement expressed by foreigners associated with this
week’s AB Inbev listing on the JSE, which took just 21 days to complete.
He boasted that
SA is high on the list of emerging markets fund managers are obliged to invest
in. He pointed to the creditable position SA occupies on the World Bank and
World Economic Forum Doing Business
indices.
And he reminded
us of just what a parlous situation we found ourselves in 22 years ago when the
newly elected Mandela government had to re-build the economy while overcoming
decades of injustices meted out on the majority of our people. It was
imperative to share the fruits of democracy and the BEE regulations are just
one way government has chosen to do this, he said.
Katz referred to four sets of legislation
that were particularly vital tools of redress and redistribution: the Competition
Act, company law, labour relations and redistribution through the budget. All
of these are informed by our Constitution, which imposes socio-economic
obligations on government and civil society – including business – to actively address
the wrongs of the past.
As an example, he referred to our link between
corporate law and human rights as outlined in Section 72(4) of the Companies
Act making social and ethics committees compulsory for all companies. The
current wrangle over the merger of Africa’s largest soft drinks manufacturers is
mostly due to Minister Ebrahim Patel’s invoking of the public interest clause
in the Competition Act.
The challenge South Africa faces, Katz concluded, is maintaining a balance between being friendly to business
and foreign investors and being sensitive to the country's broader needs
through enacting pioneering and progressive legislation.
Dr Frans Cronje, CEO of the SA Institute of
Race Relations, was last to present and gave us an updated precis of his Time Traveller’s Guide to Our Next Ten Years
scenarios described in his 2014 book of the same name.
The past 100
years have seen three major political transitions in South Africa – the early
1900s after the formation of the Union of SA; the rise of apartheid and white
nationalism in the late 1940s; and the transition to democracy in 1990-94.
In Cronje’s view,
the Reserve Bank’s leading indicator is a perfect predictor of SA’s economic performance
and political temperature over the past several decades. We are sitting in a
very similar situation to where we found ourselves in the mid-late 1980s with
sluggish growth, political tensions, rising inflation and depressed investment.
As in 1990-94, the likelihood of a political transition is high.
The most likely
scenarios, according to Cronje, are the Rocky Road (state intervention, reduced
freedoms and investor confidence) or the Toll Road (avoidance of economic
reforms, languishing growth, ANC defeat at the polls). In both cases we are in
for a bumpy ride.
South Africans
have got used to political freedom but economic freedom for the masses has been
elusive. An increasingly threatened ANC alliance is showing signs of taking the
populist – EFF route (President Zuma’s reference to taking back “stolen” land).
This is dangerous and will almost certainly raise the barriers to foreign
investment in SA higher.
Zuma’s
surreptitious signing before Christmas of the Promotion of Investment Bill,
which the American Chamber and many other business formations have been highly
critical of, is sending the wrong signals to international investors.
The easy of doing
business in South Africa, for foreign and South African investors alike, will
be a critical factor in determining the trajectory of our political economy in
the coming years. South Africa’s public sector is in deep trouble while
business is better placed to revive growth, given the right environment and
incentives.
The DA believes a
new balance needs to be struck. Business’s willingness and capacity to invest,
grow and create jobs has been taken too much for granted by policy and
lawmakers. The IMF’s lowering of its 2016 growth forecast for SA to 0.7% is not
just due to exogenous factors – sub-Sahara African countries, predominantly
exporters of primary products and commodities like South Africa, will grow at
roughly 4%. So why can't we?
Government has to
face up to reality and accept the urgent need for reform. The DA’s five
priority interventions - increased investment in infrastructure; improved
educational outcomes; labour reform; incentivising job creation; and support
for small business and entrepreneurship – would be a good place to start.
If we follow this
route, US and other foreign investors will surely lay a long term positive bet
on South Africa’s future.
If we don’t, it
might turn out that the Toll Road or the Rocky Road is where we are heading.
Not a pretty prospect, indeed.
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